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Australia's
Economic Record
by Jennifer Buckingham and Helen
Hughes
Click
here for PDF version
Economic performance, measured
by national productivity and output, underpins the possibilities
of social and cultural life and profoundly influences the
opportunities for individual well-being. The 20th century
showed that the economies that best meet the needs of their
citizens are those in which productive capacity is overwhelmingly
privately owned and operates within a competitive environment
and a system of government based upon the integrity of institutions,
the rule of law and equality before the law. Although the
Australian economy remains quite regulated, notably in industrial
relations, in comparison with many other industrial countries,
economic reforms since the 1980s have opened up the economy
to international competition and policymakers began to privatise
enterprises and utilities that were formerly government operated.
In the 1990s, the re-establishment
of monetary stability and low inflation became priorities.
From the middle of the decade government budgets were balanced.
Some attempt has been made to make labour markets more flexible
and the tax system more equitable and efficient. The results
of these changes are becoming evident in a challenging but
more stable and predictable environment for enterprise, and
in increasing productivity and national wealth.
Welfare has not been neglected,
albeit at very high cost to taxpayers and, paradoxically,
to those who become dependent on it. Unemployment, which is
closely correlated with poverty, is still unnecessarily and
unacceptably high. It remains the principal cause of low living
standards and thus Australia's key social and economic problem.
Australia has very considerable natural advantages and an
able population, but its pace of reform is still lagging behind
industrial country leaders. To keep abreast of international
developments, Australia has to reform its economy faster.
Much remains to be done.
The international comparisons that follow show Australia's
place in the world. Wherever available, international data
have been expressed in purchasing power parity terms (in US
dollars) to lessen distortions created when official exchange
rates, which may overvalue or undervalue currencies, are used.
Economic freedom in Australia
The Fraser Institute in Canada
(and the Hoover Institution in the United States) have calculated
indexes of economic freedom to measure worldwide liberalisation
of laws and regulations. Although carefully assessed by leading
scholars and using objective measures (such as the level of
tariffs and the share of government in GDP), the freedom indexes
are necessarily to some degree subjective. But they are compiled
by experienced analysts and give a good idea of Australia's
ranking in the freedom stakes.

Figure 1 shows that Australia
became more regulated in the 1970s, so that its rank dropped
from 7th in the world to 17th. With the reforms of the 1980s
and 1990s, as the economy became less regulated, it improved
its standing to 6th in the world in 1999 (and 7th in the Hoover
ranking). Countries as divergent as the United States and
Singapore and Hong Kong lead in the economic freedom rankings.
The higher the column, the
better attainment of economic freedom-that is, the more pervasive
the sphere of private decisions, the better the security of
property, the more stable money, the better the access to
international markets, the greater the freedom to work, buy,
save and invest, and the simpler and more reliable the government
regulation of economic activity and its enforcement of the
necessary rules.

Figure 2 shows the index numbers
for Australia by economic sector. Australia stands out in
the legal structure and security of property rights. Not unexpectedly,
it is by far the worst in the inflexibility of labour markets.
Economic freedom and per
capita income
The advocates of liberalisation
argue that the reason for a more liberal environment is the
achievement of rapid growth and high per capita incomes so
as to put more money into people's pockets. Reforms do have
costs in the short run, but these can be minimised by the
careful formulation of reform policies. In the medium and
long term reforms produce new jobs and higher incomes.

Figure 3 shows the unambiguous
relationship between high economic freedom and high per capita
income. The least free countries have the lowest per capita
income.
Australian aid

Figure 4 shows that the level
of Australian aid has been fairly stable in the 1980s, with
a new peak in 1999/2000.
Because it is aware of its
necessarily small influence in world affairs, Australia has
focused its aid both by countries and in sectors to which
it gives assistance. Most of the bilateral aid, (which accounts
for about 60% of total aid), goes to the Pacific Islands,
including Papua New Guinea, where Australia has the greatest
responsibility in international terms. The East Asian neighbourhood
is the other principal destination for bilateral aid.
Australia makes a substantial
contribution to multilateral development institutions, notably
the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, to be able
to join with other countries in giving aid effectively to
large countries such as India and China where direct Australian
aid can only be a drop in the bucket. By working through the
development banks Australia also contributes to other areas
where poor people are concentrated, notably Sub Saharan Africa.
Social infrastructure and services
have received an increasing share of Australian aid through
the bilateral programme and as the development banks have
moved into these areas. Emergency assistance and support for
productive capacity, notably in agriculture, has also grown.
Global growth trends
Global growth rates vary considerably
by region, and by countries within regions, although there
are some clear regional patterns. Within regions, and within
large developing countries such as China and India, averages
of per capita income are not very informative because of the
extremes of poverty and wealth that continue to exist side
by side (see figures 5 and 6).
 
East Asia and the Pacific have
led global growth since the 1980s. The East Asian countries'
per capita income has risen markedly compared to industrial
countries. The relatively poor performance of Indonesia, the
Philippines and Vietnam, however, is offsetting the rapid
growth of Hong Kong, Singapore, the Republic of Korea, Thailand
and Malaysia. After setting its door to the world ajar, China
grew even more rapidly than the rest of the region, although
it is widely believed that its real average annual per capita
growth was closer to 6% or 7% than the official claims of
10% reported here. The economic performance of the Pacific
Islands was disappointing, with minimal increases in per capita
income.
Although decolonisation dates back to the 19th century in
Latin America, the region had persistently poor growth records
for countries with 'catching up' opportunities. Its percentage
of industrial countries' income has remained static since
1980.
The Middle East and North African
countries have also had mediocre growth performance despite
'catching up' opportunities, so that their percentage of industrial
countries' per capita income also remained static. There were
wide disparities in this region in per capita income and growth
between countries such as Algeria, Egypt and Morocco, and
the petroleum rich countries.
South Asia has improved its
growth performance since the 1980s, so that despite its still
rapid population growth (resulting from past demographic profiles),
per capita incomes are rising slightly in comparison to those
of industrial countries.
Civil unrest, wars and political
disarray accompanied by poor economic management affected
the Sub Saharan African countries so badly that they grew
very slowly. The apparent AIDS epidemic has added substantially
to these countries' problems. The percentage of their per
capita incomes to the industrial countries' has declined slightly.
The stagnation of the Central
European countries (the Czech republic, Hungary, Poland, the
Slovak Republic, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) in the 1980s
was followed by an acceleration of growth in the 1990s. Per
capita income reached about 33% of that of industrial countries.
The GDP of the East European
and Central Asian countries (principally the former USSR and
the war-torn Balkans) fell during the 1990s. In 1999 their
per capita income was only 20% of that of industrial countries.
Steady growth in the mature
industrial economies, only slightly interrupted by a mild
recession in the early 1990s, stimulated global growth by
providing market access and investment for developing countries.
Markets and investment were particularly important for the
rapidly growing East Asian economies and China.
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