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The
Internet:
Towards a Global Political System
By
Andrew C. Dawson
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here for PDF version
International cooperation and cyber-market regulation
The
world is embracing the Internet; millions of people are shopping,
banking, talking and even giving birth Ôon-lineÕ. The Information
Age has well and truly arrived and its potential seems limitless.
Today, to most people the advent of the Internet means a revolution
of communication and convenience. But how will we look back
upon it in decadesÕ time? Without the benefit of a crystal
ball any answer to this question is purely speculative. If
we did have a crystal ball, could it show that the Internet
eventually rendered geographical boundaries obsolete and it
therefore was an important factor in the creation of a new
global political system?
Regulation of the Internet as a Place
There
has been significant debate as to whether regulation of the
Internet is warranted (Dawson 1998:281-283). Nonetheless,
governments are attempting to deal with regulatory issues,
such as objectionable on-line content and on-line criminal
activity, cast upon them by the Internet. For example, in
Australia the Department of Communications and the Arts published
the report ÔPrinciples for a Regulatory Framework for On-Line
Services in the Broadcasting Services Act 1992Õ in
July 1997. The most widely publicised recent overseas regulatory
initiative was the USÕs Communications Decency Act 1996,Ê
which was eventually struck down in June 1997 in Reno
v American Civil Liberties Union as being unconstitutional.
The
move towards regulation has been based largely upon the traditional
concept of jurisdiction defined by geography, a concept which
Johnson and Post (1996:1367) argue is entirely inappropriate
for the Internet. The Internet transcends geographical borders
and, therefore, undermines Ôthe feasibility and legitimacy
of laws based upon geographic boundariesÕ. In other words,
the Internet renders obsolete sovereignty based upon geography.
Examples of this might include ChinaÕs inability to prevent
dissidents circulating political information banned in China
on the Digital Freedom Network (www.dfn.org) and GermanyÕs
failed attempt in 1996 to ban a web site which emerged outside
its borders (www.efa.org.au). Similarly, the proposed extension
of the operation of the Privacy Act 1988 (Cth) to the
private sector has been criticised because the worldwide nature
of the Internet means the Act could not be effectively enforced
against overseas websites (Hughes 1997:24).
Johnson
and Post argue that the only way regulation of the Internet
can work is if Cyberspace is treated as analogous to a physical
place rather than as Ômere transmission medium.Õ This means
a new legal system applicable only to Cyberspace needs to
be established. The effect of such a system would be that
any Internet user who logs on to the Internet would enter
a distinct legal jurisdiction. Their on-line activities would
be subject to Internet law and the effect of logging on would
be the same asÊ crossing aÊ geographical
border where that territory would be governed by its own particular
laws. The authors, then, envisage a separate legal system
for Cyberspace that applies equally to those using the Net
across the globe. Clearly, for such a system to develop and
operate effectively, new law making and enforcement institutions
will need to be created.
The Potential for Self-Regulation
Johnson
and Post suggest that a new legal system for the Internet
will arise through self-regulatory processes. They demonstrate
how trademark, copyright, fraud, antitrust and defamation
law and the regulation of Net-based professional activities
could operate effectively within such a system.
However,
it is doubtful whether self-regulation of the Internet would
be wholly successful. It has been argued that the larger a
group is, the further it will fall short of providing an optimal
amount of a collective good (Olson 1965:48). In the case of
the Internet, the group is users of the Internet and the collective
good is an effective self-regulatory system. The larger the
group, the less likely it is that there will be cooperation
between members of the group to produce an outcome that benefits
the group as a whole. Therefore, the larger the number of
users of the Internet, the less likely it will be that the
users will co-operate to create an effective self-regulatory
system.
Recent
studies of self-regulation in relation to common property
resources support this view. These studies are relevant ifÊ
the Internet is treated as a common resource open to
anyone with the necessary technology (Dawson 1998: 275-276;
283-284). The studies suggest that self-regulation will only
succeed if a distinct, identifiable group who are using the
resource are able to exclude others and are bound by strong
sanctions (Sethi and Somanathan 1996: 766). Johnson and Post
postulate that impenetrable internal borders could develop
in Cyberspace. The communities within those borders would
be comparatively smaller, could exclude others through the
use of special passwords and entry fees and would be subject
to the sanction of banishmentÊ
ø having access to the community revoked. It is, therefore,
possible thatÊ self-regulation could succeed within such
communities.
If
such a self-regulating Internet group develops, the only sanction
it could impose upon its members is banishment from the group.
Society may deem such a sanction as too light. For instance,
a member of an Internet group may defraud another one of its
members of thousands of dollars and, because they reside in
a jurisdiction where they are effectively immune from prosecution,
may only face the sanction of banishment. There is also the
possibility that such a group may itself be conducting socially
undesirable activities such as the distribution of child pornography
between its members. Although self-regulation may succeed
in such a group, the group itself is socially undesirable.
It
is apparent that there needs to be regulation on a Net-wide
basis so that the defrauder is subject to the same sanction
wherever they reside and the child pornography group can be
removed from the Internet and its members prosecuted. Self-regulation
is unlikely to succeed on such a Net-wide basis due to the
large number of people across the world using the Internet
and the difficulty of finding strong sanctions that would
bind them all.
Towards a Global System?
So
whatÊ ofÊ regulation ofÊ larger groups
using the Internet and of issues which are Net-wide? Take
e-commerce for example. Goods and services can be purchased
on the Internet, banking and investment decisions can be made
and businesses can order goods from their suppliers. Millions
of consumers and businesses across the globe regularly conduct
business in the cyber-marketplace. Markets in most jurisdictions
are regulated to prevent fraud and anti-competitive behaviour
and to set relevant standards. It is likely that businesses
and consumers will come to expectÊ
similar protection in the cyber-marketplace and such
protection is essential for the Internet to achieve its full
commercial potential.
Following
Johnson and PostÕs argument, existing market regulation would
be ineffective for Cyberspace because it is based upon geographical
boundaries. Therefore, regulation of a cyber-market stretching
across the globe would only be possible if there were uniform
rules for each and every trader regardless of their geographic
location. It is doubtful whether self- regulation alone can
produce such rules. The remaining alternative is some form
of international cooperation between governments for the implementation
and enforcement of uniform standards and regulations. This
could occur by way of treaty in much the same way asÊ
the Agreement on Trade RelatedÊ
Aspects of IntellectualÊ
Property Rights (TRIPS) does for intellectual property.
Alternatively, an existing international body could take on
the responsibility of developing, implementing and monitoring
a new legal system.
Global Participation
Would
nations participate in such a regime? One approach to examining
this issue is to consider the institutionalist theory of international
politics. Under this theory an international regime will develop
where states must coordinate their behaviour to achieve a
desired outcome (Wu 1997:658). The institutional approach
suggests that states will participate in international agreements
to lower transaction costs and establish uniform standards
of behaviour. Clearly, one of the benefits of regulating cyber-commerce
would be to facilitate trade by ensuring uniform standards
of behaviour among participants and lower transaction costs.
Therefore, institutionalist theory suggests there is potential
for the development of an international system.
A
similar result arises under the liberal theory of international
relations. Under liberal theory, the stateÕs preferences drive
its behaviour. These preferences are, in turn, determined
by the preferences of the various groups the stateÕs government
represents. International cooperation occurs if different
sovereigns have comparable preferences (Wu 1997:661). It is
likely that many states will share the desire to maximise
their economic returns from Cyberspace, for which goal secure
cyber-markets are necessary. Furthermore, it is arguable that
in many states, businesses will have an incentive to lobby
governments to secure cyber-markets.
This
overview of liberal and institutionalist theories of international
cooperation suggests that, in principle, there is potential
for the development of an international framework for the
regulation of cyber-commerce. It may also be argued that these
theories are already being evidenced in practice.
For
instance, steps are being taken towards the development of
a global e-commerce system. The OECD and the Canadian government
hosted a Ministerial conference in Ottawa last October, titled
ÔA Borderless World ø Realising the Potential of Electronic
CommerceÕ at which the OECD adopted a global action plan for
the development of electronic commerce (www.noie.gov.au/oecd/overviewb.html).
The plan aims to protect participants in e-commerce and, relevantly,
to develop ground rules for the digital marketplace. In a
similar vein, the Clinton administration released ÔA Framework
for Global Electronic CommerceÕ on 1 July 1997 (www.ecommerce.gov/framewrk.htm).
The document identifies nine areas in which international
agreements are necessary, namely, customs and taxation, electronic
payments, Uniform Commercial Code for e-commerce, intellectual
property, privacy, security, telecommunications infrastructure,
content and technical standards. Governments, then, have recognised
the need for global cooperation and arguably the first steps
are being taken towards a new digital marketplace that spans
the globe and relies upon international cooperation for its
success.
There
have also been several other instances of international efforts
to regulate the cyber-market. An Internet-wide operation involving
60 regulatory agencies across 25 countries was announced in
the media on 11 September 1998 (The Australian:3).
The operation was designed to identify and shut down the operation
of those selling Ôsnake oilsÕ ø or fraudulent Ôcure all remediesÕø
over the Internet. Similarly, in 1997 the Australian Competition
and Consumer Commission was involved in a global operation
to shut down money scams, such as pyramid selling schemes,
operating on the Internet.
It
appears that there will be ongoing international cooperation
to address future cyber-market issues such as the areas highlighted
in ÔFramework for Global Electronic Commerce.Õ Another possible
area which would necessitate cooperation is highlighted by
the US Securities and Exchange CommissionÕs (SEC) crackdown
on 29 October 1998 on 44 stock promoters fraudulently promoting
more than 235Ê small
companies on the Internet. This crackdown would be ineffective
against web sites fraudulently promoting companies if they
are based outside the SECÕs jurisdiction. Once again, international
cooperation is necessary for effective regulation.
Additionally,
the increasingly global nature of corporations is also likely
to create a need for international cooperation with respect
to corporate taxation (Kohl: 1998:450) and disclosure requirements
(MacMillan 1998: 528).
There
has recently been international cooperation on other Net-wide
issues. On September 3 1998 police forces from 40 nations
around the world were involved in coordinated raids on a child
pornography ring called ÔWonderlandÕ. In this instance, global
cooperation resulted in the effective policing of this aspect
of the Internet. The need for further cooperation in this
area is highlighted by the CSIROÕs report to the National
Office for the Information Economy, titled ÔBlocking Content
on the Internet: A Technical Perspective,Õ published in June
1998. It concluded that although blocking of objectionable
on-line content from overseas websites was technically possible,
it would be ineffective (www.noie.gov.au/reports/blocking/index.html).
Instead, it recommended that one way to effectively regulate
content was through cooperation between nations to ensure
that Internet service providers adhere to the legal requirements
of the jurisdiction to which the information is sent.
The Possibility of Political Unification?
What
is clear is that international cooperation is essential for
addressing Net-wide regulatory issues. What are the potential
consequences of this increased cooperation? Given the need
for on-going international cooperation over cyber-market regulation
and other Net wide issues, the formation of a central body
for making and policing uniform international rules is practically
and financially expedient. Alternatively, an existing body,
such as the World Intellectual Property Organisation or the
United Nations, could adopt such a role. If such cooperation
were to occur, what might be the outcome?
Take,
for example, the development of global economic standards
for e-commerce. In the past 130 years there have been two
notable cases ofÊ economicÊ
cooperation between nations leading to political unity.
Economic cooperation played an important role in the unification
of Germany in 1871. The Zollverein, a German customs union,
is recognised as being an important factor in GermanyÕs subsequent
political unification (Henderson 1984: 325; James 1989: 57),
helping to foster national feeling and economic growth.
Economic
cooperation has also been central to the development of the
European Union. The first European institutions focused almost
exclusively on economic issues. For example, the Organisation
of European Economic Cooperation created in 1948, the Western
European Economic Union formed in 1954, the European Coal
and Steel Community formed in 1952 and the European Economic
Community formed in 1958. The Maastricht treaty signed by
European Union Members in 1992 arose from these foundations.
A European parliament and court have been established and
a single European currency was adopted in January. While economic
cooperation was merely one of several factors in the movement
towards political unification in Europe, its influence cannot
be underestimated.
The
experiences of Europe and Germany suggest that economic and
legal cooperation at a supra-national level with respect to
cyber-market regulatory issues may lead to the formation of
a quasi-political global body. Perhaps initially this would
incorporate a central body which develops rules and standards
for commerce in Cyberspace. Its role might expand to scrutinise
and address offensive material and criminal activity in Cyberspace
and then evolve into a forum for dealing with global issues.
Beyond that, its scope may resemble that of a global federation
with a central body controlling global issues, while nation
states retain sovereignty over purely domestic matters.
Obstacles
Clearly,
the idea of a central body monitoring the Internet is based
upon very big ÔifsÕ and in reality it may face obstacles from
several quarters. For instance, it has been argued that the
decision of the US Supreme Court in Reno v American Civil
Liberties Union may restrict the USÕs ability to enter
into international treaties concerning Internet regulation
(Vick 1998: 420). As already mentioned, that decision overturned
the Communications Decency Act on the basis that it
breached the First Amendment to the US Constitution. Given
the hierarchical inferiority of international treaties to
the US Constitution under American law, any international
treaty to which the US is a party concerning a wide range
of communication issues on the InternetÊ must satisfy the tests laid down in Reno
v American Civil Liberties Union. No doubt there will
be other constitutional, political, cultural and ideological
hurdles to be overcome.
Moreover,
a global federation potentially faces even larger problems
such as questions of sovereignty, governance and funding.
Having recognised those difficulties, the Internet, by promoting
easier communication across the globe, will help facilitate
the development of a global identity which in turn would facilitate
the creation of a supra-national body. Furthermore, the Internet
is making global cooperation essential for effective regulation.
This cooperation will also foster an increased sense of the
global community.
At
the same time there are factors beyond the Internet requiring
increased global cooperation and arguably fostering aÊ
sense ofÊ global
community. For example, global warming and ozone depletion
have led to international initiatives such as the 1997 Kyoto
agreement. Similarly, the global financial crisis which was
triggered by the 1998 Asian financial crisis has led to plans
for global action to alleviate its effects. In September 1998
the US announced a plan for the worldÕs largest 22 economies
to coordinate action to spur economic growth. Furthermore,
the crisis has actually given rise to the suggestion that
future global financial crises can only be avoided if there
is a global government regulating the worldÕs financial markets
(Soros 1998). The increasing need for cooperation at a supra-national
level to address global issues reinforces the proposition
that an extensive global political system is a distinct possibility.
Conclusion
How
future historians will actually regard the impact of the Internet
on the world can only be a matter of conjecture. It is a possibility
that in decades or centuries from now, students may be taught
that the Internet made geographic concepts of sovereignty
obsolete and pressure for cyber-market regulation led to the
creation of a central body concerned with regulation ofÊ
e-commerce. From this body a new global system of laws
developed, from which arose the worldÕs federal constitution.
Today
the idea of a global federation may still seem a bit far-fetched
and the obstacles to its formation may seem insurmountable.
However, it should be remembered that 60 years ago the idea
of a Europe unified without military force also seemed beyond
the realm of possibility.
References
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Andrew C. 1998, ÔThe Intellectual Commons: A Rationale for
Regulation,Õ Prometheus 16(3): 275-289.
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Hughes,
Timothy 1997, ÔRegulation of the Net,Õ Reform 71: 23-27.
James, H.
1989, A German Identity 1770-1990, Routledge, New York.
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D.R. and D. Post 1996, ÔLaw and Borders ø The Rise of Law
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Kohl, Uta
1998, ÔThe Horror-Scope for the Taxation Office: The InternetÊ and its Impact on Residence,Õ UNSW Law Journal, 21(2):
436-451.
MacMillan,
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and E. Somanathan, 1996, ÔThe Evolution of Social Norms in
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1998, Reported in Sydney Morning Herald, 19 September
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About
the Author
Andrew C. DawsonÊ is a paralegal with Phillips Fox Solicitors, Sydney.Ê The author is indebted to Mark Donoghue and
Suzanne Falvi for their comments on earlier versions of this
paper.
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